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Amnesty International’s Report: “Because I Am Oromo”: A Sweeping Repression in Oromia

SUMMARY: REPRESSION OF DISSENT IN OROMIA
“I was arrested for about eight months. Some school students had been arrested, so their  classmates had a demonstration to ask where they were and for them to be released. I was accused of organising the demonstration because the government said my father supported the OLF so I did too and therefore I must be the one who is  organising the students.”
Young man from Dodola Woreda, Bale Zone1

AmnestyFullReport2014

The anticipation and repression of dissent in Oromia manifests in many ways. The below are some of  the numerous and varied individual stories contained in this report:
A student told Amnesty International how he was detained and tortured in Maikelawi Federal Police detention centre because a business plan he had prepared for a competition was alleged to be underpinned by political motivations. A singer told how he had been detained, tortured and forced to agree to only sing in praise of the government in the future. A school girl told Amnesty International how she was detained because she refused to give false testimony against someone else. A former teacher showed Amnesty International where he had been stabbed and blinded in one eye with a bayonet during torture in detention because he had refused to ‘teach’ his students propaganda about the achievements of the ruling political party as he had been ordered to do. A midwife was arrested for delivering the baby of a woman who was married to an alleged member of  the Oromo Liberation Front. A young girl told Amnesty International how she had successively lost both parents  and four brothers through death in detention, arrest or disappearance until, aged 16, she was left alone caring  for two young siblings. An agricultural expert employed by the government told how he was arrested on the  accusation he had incited a series of demonstrations staged by hundreds of farmers in his area, because his  job involved presenting the grievances of the farmers to the government.

In April and May 2014, protests broke out across Oromia against a proposed ‘Integrated Master Plan’ to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia regional territory. The protests were led by students, though many other people participated. Security services, comprised of  federal police and the military special forces, responded to the protests with unnecessary and excessive force, firing live ammunition on peaceful protestors in a number of locations and  beating hundreds of peaceful protestors and bystanders, resulting in dozens of deaths and  scores of injuries. In the wake of the protests, thousands of people were arrested.
These incidents were far from being unprecedented in Oromia. They were the latest and  bloodiest in a long pattern of the suppression – sometimes pre-emptive and often brutal – of even suggestions of dissent in the region.  The Government of Ethiopia is hostile to dissent, wherever and however it manifests, and also shows hostility to influential individuals or groups not affiliated to the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) political party. The government has used arbitrary arrest and detention, often without charge, to suppress suggestions of dissent in many parts of the country. But this hostility, and the resulting acts of suppression, have  manifested often and at scale in Oromia.  A number of former detainees, as well as former officials, have observed that Oromos make up  a high proportion of the prison population in federal prisons and in the Federal Police Crime  Investigation and Forensic Sector, commonly known as Maikelawi, in Addis Ababa, where  prisoners of conscience and others subject to politically-motivated detention are often detained when first arrested. Oromos also constitute a high proportion of Ethiopian refugees.  According to a 2012 Inter-Censal Population Survey, the Oromo constituted 35.3% of  Ethiopia’s population. However, this numerical size alone does not account for the high  proportion of Oromos in the country’s prisons, or the proportion of Oromos among Ethiopians  fleeing the country. Oromia and the Oromo have long been subject to repression based on a widespread imputed opposition to the EPRDF which, in conjunction with the size of the  population, is taken as posing a potential political threat to the government. Between 2011 and 2014, at least 5,000 Oromos have been arrested as a result of their actual or suspected peaceful opposition to the government, based on their manifestation of  dissenting opinions, exercise of freedom of expression or their imputed political opinion. These included thousands of peaceful protestors and hundreds of political opposition members, but also hundreds of other individuals from all walks of life – students,  pharmacists, civil servants, singers, business people and people expressing their Oromo cultural heritage – arrested based on the expression of dissenting opinions or their suspected opposition to the government. Due to restrictions on human rights reporting, independent journalism and information exchange in Ethiopia, as well as a lack of transparency on detention practices, it is possible there are many additional cases that have not been reported or documented. In the cases known to Amnesty International, the majority of those arrested were detained without charge or trial for some or all of their detention, for weeks, months or years – a system apparently intended to warn, punish punish or silence them, from which justice is often absent.
Openly dissenting individuals have been arrested in large numbers. Thousands of Oromos have been arrested for participating in peaceful protests on a range of issues. Large-scale arrests were seen during the protests against the ‘Master Plan’ in 2014 and during a series of  protests staged in 2012-13 by the Muslim community   in Oromia and other parts of the  country against alleged government interference in Islamic affairs. In addition, Oromos have  been arrested for participation in peaceful protests over job opportunities, forced evictions,  the price of fertilizer, students’ rights, the teaching of the Oromo language and the arrest or extra-judicial executions of farmers, students, children and others targeted for expressing  dissent, participation in peaceful protests or based on their imputed political opinion. Between 2011 and 2014, peaceful protests have witnessed several incidents of the alleged use of unnecessary and excessive force by security services against unarmed protestors. 
  Hundreds of members of legally-registered opposition political parties have also been arrested in large sweeps that took place in 2011 and in 2014, as well as in individual incidents. 

In addition to targeting openly dissenting groups, the government also anticipates dissent  amongst certain groups and individuals, and interprets certain actions as signs of dissent.  Students in Oromia report that there are high levels of surveillance for signs of dissent or political activity among the student body in schools and universities. Students have been  arrested based on their actual or suspected political opinion, for refusing to join the ruling party or their participation in student societies, which are treated with hostility on the  suspicion that they are underpinned by political motivations. Hundreds of students have also been arrested for participation in peaceful protests.

Expressions of Oromo culture and heritage have been interpreted as manifestations of  dissent, and the government has also shown signs of fearing cultural expression as a potential catalyst for opposition to the government. Oromo singers, writers and poets have been arrested for allegedly criticising the government and/or inciting people through their work. People wearing traditional Oromo clothing have been arrested on the accusation that this demonstrated a political agenda. Hundreds of people have been arrested at Oromo traditional festivals.

Members of these groups – opposition political parties, student groups, peaceful protestors, people promoting Oromo culture and people in positions the government believes could have influence on their communities – are treated with hostility not only due to their own actual or perceived dissenting behaviour, but also due to their perceived potential to act as a conduit  or catalyst for further dissent. A number of people arrested for actual or suspected dissent  told Amnesty International they were accused of the ‘incitement’ of others to oppose the government.

The majority of actual or suspected dissenters who had been arrested in Oromia interviewed  by Amnesty International were accused of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) – the armed group that has fought a long-term low-level insurgency in the region, which was proscribed as a terrorist organization by the Ethiopian parliament in June 2011. The accusation of OLF support has often been used as a pretext to silence individuals openly  exercising dissenting behaviour such as membership of an opposition political party or  participation in a peaceful protest. However, in addition to targeting demonstrators, students, members of opposition political parties and people celebrating Oromo culture based on their  actual or imputed political opinion, the government frequently demonstrates that it  anticipates dissenting political opinion widely among the population of Oromia. People from all walks of life are regularly arrested based only on their suspected political opinion – on the  accusation they support the OLF. Amnesty International interviewed medical professionals, business owners, farmers, teachers, employees of international NGOs and many others who  had been arrested based on this accusation in recent years. These arrests were often based on suspicion alone, with little or no supporting evidence.

Certain behaviour arouses suspicion, such as refusal to join the ruling political party or  movement around or in and out of the region. Some people ‘inherit’ suspicion from their  parents or other family members. Expressions of dissenting opinions within the Oromo party  in the ruling coalition – the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) – have also been responded to with the accusation that the dissenter supports the OLF. Family members have also been arrested in lieu of somebody else wanted for actual or suspected dissenting behaviour, a form of collective punishment illegal under international law. 

In some of these cases too, the accusation of OLF support and arrest on that basis appears to be a pretext used to warn, control or punish signs of ‘political disobedience’ and people who have influence over others and are not members of the ruling political party. But the constant  repetition of the allegation suggests the government continues to anticipate a level of  sympathy for the OLF amongst the Oromo population writ large. Further, the government  appears to also believe that the OLF is behind many signs of peaceful dissent in the region.

However, in numerous cases, the accusation of supporting the OLF and the resulting arrest  do not ever translate into a criminal charge. The majority of all people interviewed by  Amnesty International who had been arrested for their actual or suspected dissenting behaviour or political opinion said that they were detained without being charged, tried or  going to court to review the legality of their detention, in some cases for months or years. Frequently, therefore, the alleged support for the OLF  remains unsubstantiated and unproven. Often, it is merely an informal allegation made during the course of interrogation. Further, questions asked of actual or suspected dissenters by interrogators in detention also suggest that the exercise of certain legal rights  –for example, participation in a peaceful protest – is taken as evidence of OLF support.  A number of people interviewed by Amnesty International had been subjected to repeated arrest on the  same allegation of  of being  anti-government or   of OLF support, without ever being charged. 

Amnesty International interviewed around 150 Oromos who were targeted for actual or  suspected dissent. Of those who were arrested on these bases, the majority said they were subjected to arbitrary detention without judicial review, charge or trial, for some or all of the period of their detention, for periods ranging from several days to several years. In the majority of those cases, the individual said they were arbitrarily detained for the entire duration of their detention. In fewer cases, though still reported by a notable number of interviewees, the detainee was held arbitrarily – without charge or being brought before a court – during an initial period that again ranged from a number of weeks to a number of  years, before the detainee was eventually brought before a court.

A high proportion of people interviewed by Amnesty International were also held  incommunicado – denied access to legal representation and family members and contact with the outside world – for some or all of their period of detention. In many of these cases, the detention amounted to enforced disappearance, such as where lack of access to legal counsel and family members and lack of information on the detainee’s fate or whereabouts placed a detainee outside the protection of the law. them again. The family continued to be ignorant of their fate and did not know whether they  were alive or dead.Many people reported to Amnesty International that, after their family members had been arrested, they had never heard from.

Arrests of actual or suspected dissenters in Oromia reported to Amnesty International were  made by local and federal police, the federal military and intelligence officers, often without  a warrant. Detainees were held in Kebele, Woreda and Zonal3 detention centres, police stations, regional and federal prisons. However, a large proportion of former detainees interviewed by Amnesty International were detained in unofficial places of detention, mostly  in military camps throughout the region. In some cases apparently considered more serious, detainees were transferred to Maikelawi in Addis Ababa. Arbitrary detention without charge or trial was reported in all of these places of detention.

Almost all people interviewed by Amnesty International who had been detained in military camps or other unofficial places of detention said their detention was not subject to any form of judicial review. All detainees in military camps in Oromia nterviewed by Amnesty International experienced some violations of the rights and protections of due process and a high proportion of all interviewees who had been detained in a military camp reported torture, including rape, and other ill-treatment.
Actual or suspected dissenters have been subjected to torture in federal and regional detention centres and prisons, police stations, including Maikelawi, military camps and other  unofficial places of detention. The majority of former detainees interviewed by Amnesty  International, arrested based on their actual or imputed political opinion, reported that they had been subjected to treatment amounting to torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, in most cases repeatedly, while in detention or had been subjected to treatment that amounts to torture or ill-treatment in and around their homes. Frequently reported methods of torture were beating, particularly with fists, rubber batons, wooden or metal sticks or gun butts, kicking, tying in contorted stress positions often in conjunction with beating on the soles of the feet, electric shocks, mock execution or death threats involving a gun, beating with electric wire, burning, including with heated metal or molten plastic, chaining or tying hands or ankles together for extended periods (up to several months), rape, including gang rape, and extended solitary confinement. Former detainees repeatedly said that they  were coerced, in many cases under torture or the threat of torture, to provide a statement or confession or incriminating evidence against others.
Accounts of former detainees interviewed by Amnesty International consistently demonstrate that conditions in detention in regional and federal police stations, regional and federal prisons, military camps and other unofficial places of detention, violate international law and  national and international standards. Cases of death in detention were reported to Amnesty  International by former fellow detainees or family members of detainees. These deaths were  reported to result from torture, poor detention conditions and lack of medical assistance.  Some of these cases may amount to extra-judicial executions, where the detainees died as a result of torture or the intentional deprivation of food or medical assistance. 

There is no transparency or oversight of this system of arbitrary detention, and no independent investigation of allegations of torture and other violations in detention. No independent human rights organizations that monitor and publically document violations have access to detention centres in Ethiopia.

In numerous cases, former detainees interviewed by Amnesty International also said their release from arbitrary detention was premised on their agreement to a set of arbitrary  conditions unlawfully imposed by their captors rather than by any judicial procedure, and  many of which entailed foregoing the exercise of other human rights, such as those to the freedoms of expression, association and movement. Failure to uphold the conditions, detainees were told, could lead to re-arrest or worse. Regularly cited conditions included: not participating in demonstrations or other gatherings, political meetings or student activities; not meeting with more than two or three individuals at one time; not having any contact with certain people, including spouses or family members wanted by the authorities for alleged dissenting behaviour; or not leaving the area where they lived without seeking permission from local authorities. For a number of people interviewed by Amnesty International, it was the difficulty of complying with these conditions and the restricting impact they had on their  lives, or fear of the consequences if they failed to comply, intentionally or unintentionally, that caused them to flee the country.

The testimonies of people interviewed by Amnesty International, as well as information received from a number of other sources and legal documents seen by the organization, indicate a number of fair trial rights are regularly violated in cases of actual or suspected  Oromo dissenters that have gone to court, including the rights to a public hearing, to not be  compelled to incriminate oneself, to be tried without undue delay and the right to presumption of innocence. Amnesty International has also documented cases in which the lawful exercise of the right to freedom of expression, or other protected human rights, is cited as evidence of illegal support for the OLF in trials. Amnesty International also received dozens of reports of actual or suspected dissenters being
killed by security services, in the context of security services’ response to protests, during the  arrests of actual or suspected dissidents, and while in detention. Some of these killings may  amount to extra-judicial executions. A multiplicity of both regional and federal actors are involved in committing human rights violations against actual or suspected dissenters in Oromia, including civilian administrative  officials, local police, federal police, local militia, federal military and intelligence services, with cooperation between the different entities, including between the regional and federal levels.

Because of the many restrictions on human rights organizations and on the freedoms of  association and expression in Ethiopia, arrests and detentions are under-reported and almost no sources exist to assist detainees and their families in accessing justice and pressing for  remedies and accountability for human rights violations.

The violations documented in this report take place in an environment of almost complete impunity for the perpetrators. Interviewees regularly told Amnesty International that it was either not possible or that there was no point in trying to complain, seek answers or seek justice in cases of enforced disappearance, torture, possible extra-judicial execution or other violations. Many feared repercussions for asking. Some were arrested when they did ask about a relative’s fate or whereabouts.

As Ethiopia heads towards general elections in 2015, it is likely that the government’s efforts to suppress dissent, including through the use of arbitrary arrest and detention and other  violations, will continue unabated and may even increase. The Ethiopian government must take a number of urgent and substantial measures to ensure no-one is arrested, detained, charged, tried, convicted or sentenced on account of the peaceful exercise of their rights to the freedoms of expression, association and assembly, including the right to peacefully assemble to protest, or based on their imputed political opinion; to end unlawful practices of arbitrary detention without charge or trial, incommunicado detention without access to the outside world, detention in unofficial detention centres, and enforced disappearance; and to address the prevalence of torture and other ill-treatment in Ethiopia’s detention centres. All allegations of torture, incidents involving allegations of the unnecessary or excessive use of force by security services against peaceful protestors, and all suspected cases of extra-judicial executions must be urgently and properly investigated. Access to all prisons and other places of detention and to all prisoners should be extended to appropriate independent, non-governmental bodies, including international human rights bodies.

Donors with existing funding programmes working with federal and regional police, with the military or with the prison system, should carry out thorough and impartial investigations into allegations of human rights violations within those institutions, to ensure their funding is not contributing to the commission of human rights violations. Further, the international community should accord the situation in Ethiopia the highest possible level of scrutiny. Existing domestic investigative and accountability mechanisms have proved not capable of carrying out investigations that are independent, adequate, prompt, open to public scrutiny and which sufficiently involve victims. Therefore, due to the  apparent existence of an entrenched pattern of violations in Ethiopia and due to concerns over the impartiality of established domestic investigative procedures, there is a substantial
and urgent need for intervention by regional and international human rights bodies to conduct independent investigations into allegations of widespread human rights violations in Oromia, as well as the rest of Ethiopia. Investigations should be pursued through the establishment of an independent commission of inquiry, fact-finding mission or comparable procedure, comprised of independent international experts, under the auspices of the United Nations Human Rights Council or the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. 

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It is enough! We do not need someone far from Abyssinia to come and implement the oppressive and arrogant policies on our land!

Tibebu Demeke from Hof, Germany

In the eyes of any country in the world, Ethiopia looks and is considered as one unit, but for almost one and  half  century  it  has never integrated all of its regions, nations and nationalities  into one political community with equality and justice. North Ethiopia or traditionally called the Abyssinia has for long  till now controlled the socio-political & economic power in the North as well as in the South which consists of regions conquered by the rulers of the North in the late 19th century. Since the South was a conquered and subjugated region, its land was divided among the heads of state and superiority of the North and owned by them until the late 1970′s till 1974 Revolution made land property of the state.  As the system before the Revolution was feudalism, farmers in the South owned neither the farmlands nor the products of the farmlands; called the Gebbar (Serfdom) System. The landlords owned the outputs of farmers as well as the farmlands. And no such land system existed in the North, where farmers owned their farmlands and their products as well.

Although from 1974 till 1991( during the military junta) a uniform land system was put in place across all regions in Ethiopia and the regime successfully abolished  colonial land tenures  of Abyssinian monarchic regime  through the  socialist revolution of Ethiopia , the regime became the absolute owner of the land and  was   not  ready  to  respond  for the  political  quest  of  self-determination  rights of  colonized  peoples  of Oromia, Eretria,  and  other Southern  Ethiopia positively,  rather continued  dictating  the  colonial empire of socialist Abyssinia for 17 years  through  civil wars.  And now almost from 1991 on  during the TPLF regime we notice the reemergence of the North-South divide about land ownership & management system just like the one which existed in the year 1889 – 1974 /during the Imperial regime /.  Instead of having a uniform land ownership and management system, the current regime which hails from the North has launched a Green Revolution in the North where land is owned and managed by the farmers themselves while vast hectares of prime farmlands are being sold to foreign governments and international companies in the South. This practice is commonly known as’’ land grabbing’’. (The Evil Strategies of Land Grabbing in the Southern Part of Ethiopia, By Assefa  Getachew E-mail: assefageta@yahoo.com)

Land grabbing is defined as the snatching of land by  a  nation,  state,  or  organization,  especially  illegally  or unfairly  (Dictionary.com),  this definition mainly reflects land use policies of direct colonization of a nation or a  country  by  cover  of  civilization; however  the  following  definition  is  a  reflection of  indirect  colonization  through  politics of  global  economy. The most common definition of global land grabbing refers to large scale land acquisition be it purchase or lease for agricultural production by foreign investors (Daniel and Mittal, 2009).  It is a new form of agricultural neo-colonialism. The term land grabbing is therefore to depict on one hand, the colonial character of land acquisition by foreigners and on the other hand the illegitimacy and illegality of the practice. By forcing and evicting the Oromo farmers, huge plots of land was already sold to foreign investors and Ethiopian highlanders having close connection to the ruling political party. But the fact is that Land in Oromia belongs to the Oromo people and it is only the Oromo people that should make the decision rather than someone from far away as Tigray to give away the Oromo lands.

The current regime has sold out several million hectares of fertile land to the foreigner investors after forcedly displacing Oromo farmers from their ancestral land. This grabbing of land ended the indigenous people without shelter and foods. The government is saying that the land given to investors is bare or grazing land but here I am personally a witness for this and other related issues, I am an agronomist, Horticulture department who had been working as a supervisor in one of those rose production farms, other than that I had a lot of agronomist friends working on the same sector in different parts of Oromia and had a good access of getting information about the ongoing issues all over the Oromia region.  I made a close contact with different Guards of different farms especially where I have been working, and they used to tell me the whole details of their ancestral lands which they were producing huge amount of Teff, wheat, barley and other related crops but now they are ended without land and they are merely guards paid from 35-45 dollars a month which cannot feed their children, fail even to full fill the necessary teaching materials of their elementary class students. This displacement of the Oromo people accompanied by limitless human right violations set the Oromo to be the vast number of immigrants in the horn of Africa too. http://farmlandgrab.org/cat/show/116

Those who protest are being targeted for arrest, torture and finally exposed for the extra –judicial killings. Journalists and human rights advocating in Ethiopia who speak out against these abuses are silenced or exiled. Giving such large plots of land to private investors exposes the Oromo people to aggravated poverty, expands serious food insecurity, restricts their free movement with large cattle as they used to do in the past, intensifies conflict, degrades ecosystem and advances violation of human rights. The evicted Oromo farmers will later be going to the towns and start begging for the survival, or be employed as cheap guards and day-laborers to work day and night on their own lands without owning the outputs, similar to the feudal system of the Ethiopia before 1974. On top of that, the environment in the South will degrade as heavy usages of agricultural additives spill into ground waters, and that has a big risk for the cattle’s and people in general, it is a very serious issue now a days, as an example in central Oromia thousands of people and their livestock died due to the industrial pollution directly released to rivers and lakes http://oromialandinfo.wordpress.com/2013/10/08/.

Unlike the Green Revolution in Tigray, the goal of the Land Grabbing generally in South and particularly in Oromia is not to avoid famine, but to export all of the grains out of the food-strapped Ethiopia so that the rulers can get foreign currency in return – similar to other export cash crops, such as coffee, chat and others. Thus Successive Ethiopian regimes coming out of Abyssinia and controlling the whole political and socio-economic power developed arrogant discriminations that mainly targeted the Oromo people. This trend apparently observed among, both the past and current, Ethiopian regimes and partners. Since the current regime is reassuring the subjugation, disregarding and repression policy of the old regime. And the TPLF regime strategically manipulates insecurity and instability to achieve the hidden objective of damaging the livelihood assets of the Oromo peoples.  Therefore land grabbing by TPLF regime for global investors is nothing to do with improvement of subsistence livelihoods of rural communities of the Oromo people  rather  it is Ethiopia’s deliberate policies of forced relocation, discrimination, repression, and as it is explained environmental devastated are enabled, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-11991926 .

Generally it needs our all group and individual involvement in the Oromo national struggle, if we do that, without any doubt we will liberate and save our land!!

Freedom to the oppressed Oromo nation!!

you can reach this author through the email, tibiyeyoyo@gmail.com

Dhammassaa Qeerroo Orommoo!

“Gaffiin umataa oromoo gaffii jirchuufii jirchuu dhabutii mallee gaffii siyyassaa qofaa mittii.”

Namni oromoo ta´ee waa’ee oromoo naa quqaa jedhee hudii motummaa abbaa irree wayyaannee ykn TPLF waggottaa 23 darbbanii keessaa gaffii ummattaa orommoo fi billsuummaa umattaa oromoo ukkammssee ijollee,aboottee,hawwttii,osoo hin jedhiin nama sabbaa oromoo taee gaffii mirgaa gaffattuu hunddaa irratii xiyyeeffchuuni gochaa sanyii balleessuu rawwachaa turunii isaa nii bekkammaa kuni kanan osoo jiruu yeroo ammaa maqqaa master planii finfinee jedhuuni magallottaa nanwwaa finfinee jirani hundaa finfinee jalatii debisuuni akkaa fedhii isatii maqqaa investimentiintiin qottee bullaa laffa irraa buqqisuu qabenyaa umatichaa sammuufii hallaa mijjeefchuu qofa irrattii xiyyeeffattee Afaan adaa fi qabenyaa umataa kan balleesuufii kutatee ka´uuni isaa kan bekkamme

Gaffaa barrtotaa oromoo gaffii mirgaa hiriraa naggaa bahuunii qottee bullaa oromoo laffaa irraa hin buqqasiinaa jedhanii gaffii gaffattanii irrattii kuttallee oromiyyaa hedduu finfinee dabalatee akkaa dinii biyyaa weeraretii garara jabinanii rasasanii dhiggaa isanii dachii irraa dhangallssee kana imoo mana hidhaa isanii durranuu oromooni guttammee jiruttii darbbattanii rabichanii halkaniifii guyyaa cinqqaa jiruu.

Kuni imoo ofii jibbee mirgaa dhabbee biyyaa isaa dhissee baqqattee karatii reeffaa isaa alattiifii qurxummiin nyatamaa.

Malliifi Wayyaneenii Sabbaa Oromoo iratii Xiyyeeffatii?

Oromiyyattuu qabenyaa umaman badhatuu lalafituu kani waan fedhanii hundaa akkaa salphatii argchuu dandanii waan tateefii biyyaa fi abbaa biyyaa akkaa wal hin argiinnee gochunii umrii ishee guttuu nuu gabbrroossttee nublchuu qabnyaa kenyaa samuu dha fedhiin isannii kuni akka fixxaa hin bannee qeerroo oromoo bakkaa jiruu hundaa fudurraa dhabchuu qabaa ilmani kenyatii gabrummaa hin dabrsiinuu jechuuni harkaa wal qabannee qabbssoo ummattaa oromoo garaa fullaa duraaa tarkanfchisuufii haa kanuu nuu kassaa

OROMIA SHALL BE FREE

GADAAN GADAA BILISSUMMAATI

Xiinxala Haala Gaanfa Afrikaa

ODF

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Xiinxala Haala Gaanfa Afrikaa

Wednesday, August 21, 20

Xiinxala Haala Gaanfa Afrikaa – Haala siyaasa Gaanfa Afirkaa hubachuuf akka ta’utti barruu qophaawe.

Godinaan Gaanfa Afrikaa jedhamee beekamu Sudan, Sudan Kibbaa, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somaliland, Somalia hafee fi Itophiyaa hammata. Boodana keessa Kenya fi Ugandas itti dabaluun ni jira. Garuu xiinxala keenya kanaaf jara boodanaa lamaan dabaluun faayidaa waan hin qabneef Gaanfa Afrika akka duraan beekamutti fudhanna. Godinaan kun Gaanfa warseessaa waan fakkaatuuf Gaanfa Afrikaa jedhamee mogGaanfame. Godinaa kana haallan walitti hidhan danduu dha. Keessattuu haalli politikaa biyyoota kanneen keessaa tokko keessatti dhalatu warra hafanis ni tuttuqa. Caalaatti ammoo wanti biyyoota ollaa isee keessatti dhalatu Itophiyaa ni tuttuqa. Sababni isaas ifaa dha. Itophiyaan walakkeessa Gaanfa Afrikaatti waan argamtuuf biyyoota hafan hundaa ni daangessiti. Dabalees sabootni naannoo daangaa iseetti argamanis biyyoota ollaa keessas ni jiraatu. Affaarotni Eritrea fi Djibouti keessatti ni argamu. Ummatni afaan Tigrinyaa dubbatu Eritrea keessas jira. Warri afaan Somaali dubbatus Djibouti, Somaliland, fi Somalia hafe keessatti ni argamu. Anyuwak fi Nuer akkasumas Sudan Kibbaa keessatti ni argamu. Waan ta’eef, haalli Itophiyaa keessatti dhalatu biyyoota ollaattis cehuun ni mala. Akkasumas haalli biyyoota ollaa isee keessatti dhalatus Itophiyaa tuttuquu danda’a.Akkuma Itophiyaan walakkeessa Gaanfa Afrikaatti argamtu, Oromiyaanis walakeessa Itophiyaatti argama. Sababa kanaafis, Oromiyaan qubsuma saboota Itophiyaa wayyaba wajjin daanga qaba. Waan ta’eef, haalli saboota kanneen keessatti dhalatu Oromoos tuttuquu danda’a. Kanaaf, waa’ee politikaa Itophiyaa oggaa yaadnu, kan Gaanfa Afrikaas ilaalcha keessa galchuudhaaf dirqamna. Akkasumas, waa’ee politikaa Oromoo oggaa yaadnu kan saboota ollaa isaas ilaalcha keessa galchuun dirqii ta’a. Dabalees, ilmaan saboota Itophiyaa keessa jiraatanii kan Oromia keessa hin jiraanne jira hin fakkaatu. Waan ta’eef, saboota Itophiyaa keessa jiraatan keessaa kan waa’ee hegeree Oromoo irraa yaaddoo hin qabne jira hin fakkaatu. Oromoonis akkasuma hegeree saboota hafanii irratti ejjennaa ifaa fi qajeelaa qabaachuun dirqii dha. Xiinxalli kun hundee yaada akkasii akeekuudhaaf carraaqa.
Xiinxala kana keessatti haallan biyyootaa fi ummatoota Gaanfa Afrikaa walitti hidhan walhubachiisuudhaaf carraaqna. Akkaataan biyyootiin godinaa kanaa itti dhalatan kan walitti isaan hidhu ta’uu walhubachiifna. Dhibdeen biyya tokko keessatti dhalatu amala biyyoota hafanis tuttuquu akka qabu ilaalla. Hegereen sabootaa biyyoota godinaa kanaa addatti ilaalamuu akka hin danda’amne hubanna. Akkaataa Biyyotni Gaanfa Afrikaa Itti Dhalatan.

Gaanfa Afrikaa godinoota Afrikaa hafan irraa wanti adda isa taasisu kan duraa naannoo kana irratti empayerummaa ijaarrachuudhaaf humni kajeelee kan alaa dhufe qofa osoo hin taane, keessa isaatiis kan madde jiraachuu dha. Naannoo Gaanfa Afrikaa guutummaa isaa irratti empayera ijaarrachuudhaaf kan humni hunda dursee sosso’e Masir (Egypt) ta’uu yaadachuun gaarii dha. Masir irra guddaa lafa Sudan eega dhuunfatee booda, qarqara Eritreas seenuu fi Zayilas dhuunfatee bahaa Oromiyaa seenuudhaan Harar booji’e. Kajeellaan Masir kun kan Habashootni qabaniin walfaallomsuu jalqabe. Habashootni, dura hogganummaa Yohannis jalatti booda kan Minilik jalatti, naannoo Masir dhuunfachuu kajeelaa turte kana kaadhimachaa turan. Kunis walitti bu’iinsa humnoota lamaanii dirqii taasise. Humni Masir yeroo lama humna Yohannis wajjin wal lolee injifatame.

Lola Habashaa wajjinii kana geggeesuudhaaf, mootummaan Masir Sudan irratti karaxa guddisuudhaaf dirqame. Kun ammoo fincila Mohammed Ahmed (kan Madhi of moggaase) qabsiise. Fincilli Mahdiidhaan hogganamuu kun yeroo gabaabaa keessatti humna Masir irratti injifannoo gonfatee Sudan keessaa baase. Dhiibbaa dhalate kana irraahis, Masir humna isee Eritrea, Zayilaa fi Harar ture dhachaasuudhaaf dirqamte. Yeroo duraatiif haalli Godinaa Gaanfa Afrikaa keessaa naannoo tokkotti dhalatuu naannoo hafanis tuquu akka danda’u mirkanaawe. Kunis hanga guyyaa har’aatti itti fufee jira.

Yeroo kun ta’aa turetti Godinaan Gaanfa Afrikaa tarsimaawaa ta’uu isaa irraa humnoota Awropaatiinis guddaa kajeelamaa ture. Waan godinicha tarsimaawaa keessaa inni guddaan saaqamuu kanala Suezi (Suez cannal). Sana irraa eegalee hanga guyyaa har’aatti Garbi Diimaan tarsimaawaa ta’ee jiraata. Sababa kanaaf, humnoonni Awropaa sadii naannoo kanatti kolonii qabaachuudhaaf wal dorgomuu jalqabu. Isaanis:Brixaniyaa, Faransaa fi Xaliyaanii dha. Jarri kun hundi naannoo Gaanfa Afrikaa guutummaa dhuunfachuudhaaf kajeelu turan. Kanaaf akka karaa isaaniif saaquuf naannoo adda addaa dhuunfachuu jalqaban. Xaliyaaniin, akkuma humni Masir Eriterea lakkiseen, bakka isaa buutee naannoo Massawaa dhuunfatte. Dabalees, Banadiris (naannoo Mogadishoo) dhuunfatte. Dachee bakka kanneen lamaan gidduu jiru guutummaa dhuunfachuudhaafis akeekkatte. Faransaanis Djibouti har’aa qabachuudhaan achi irraa hanga Atlantikitti dhuunfachuudhaaf akeekkatte.

Yeroodhuma kanatti Godinicha keessaa humni ka’aa jiru, kan Habashootaa, naannoo warri Awropaa kajeelaa turan kana hundaa dhuunfachuudhaaf yaadaa turan. Dura Yohannis jalatti boodas Minilik jalatti yaada akkasii labsaa turan. Humnootii Awropaa kanneen hunda keessaa kan dheebuu dachee guddaa qabaachaa turte Xaliyaanii dha. Kan duubaa isee jajjabeesaa ture ammoo Brixaniyaa dha. Brixaniyaan kan kana gochaa turteef, masaanuu isee, Faransaa, hubuudhaaf ture. Oggaa kana irraa kaanee ilaallu lafti humnootiin hundi qabatanii yeroodhaaf qofa ture. Achi irraa ka’anii godinicha guutummaa dhuunfachuudhaaf akeekkatu turan. Moototni Habashaa biyya of harkaa qaban qofa osoo hin taanee lafa hanga Garba Hindii gahuu hundaa kaadhimachaa turan. Akkuma duran jedhame, Xaliyaaniinis lafa Eritrea fi Banadir gidduu jiru hundaa dhuunfachuu kajeelti turte. Faransaanis Djibouti irraa ka’uudhaan irra guddaa naannoo Habashootni fi Xaliyaanin kajeelanii kana hundaa dhuunfachuudhaaf kajeelti turte. Hundi isaaniituu lafti of harkaa qaban akka gahaa hin taane amanu turan. Haalli kun hanga guyyaa har’aatti itti fufee jira. Kanatti booda itti deebina.

Lola Keessaa fi Alaa

Yeroodhuma kanatti amalli hanga har’aa jiru tokko of mul’isuu eegalee. Sunis dorgommiin keessaa fi alaa waldeggeruu isaa ti. Kanas hubachuudhaaf waan Yohannis fi Minilik gidduutti ta’aa ture walyaadachiisuun ni gaha. Oggaa Xaliyaaniin qarqara Eritrea dhuunfachuu jalqabdetti mootiin Habashootaa Yohannis ture. Kajeellaan Xaaliyaaniin lafa Massawaa fi Banadir gidduu jiru dhuunfachuudhaaf qabdu Yohannis fi isee gidduutti lolli kan hafne taasise. Yeroo kanatti Minilik fira Xaliyaanii ta’ee gargaarsa irraa argachaa ture. Diina keessaa injifachuudhaaf diina alagaa firoomfachuun akkasitti jalqabee hanga guyyaa har’aa gahe. Yohannis yeroo tokko Xaliyaanii, yeroo kaanis Darbushoota Sudanii oggaa lolaa ture, Minilik yoo xiqqaatee itti dirmachuu irraa of qusataa ture. Kana bira dabree Xaliyaanii firoomfachaa ture. Yohannis, lola addaan hin citne geggeessaa jiraatee, dhuma irratti humna Darbushotaatiin galaafatame. Akkuma kun ta’een meeshaa waraanaa Xaliyaaniifaa irraa argachaa turetti fayyadamee Minilik mootummaa Habashaa dhuunfata. Yeroo kanatti ture kan Xaliyaniin baddaa baatee kolonii Eritrea jedhamuu bu’ureffachuu isee labsite.
Xaliyaaniin lafa Eritrea fi Banadir gidduu jiru dhuunfachuudhaaf kajeelaa akka turte olitti tuqnee jirra. Kanas yoo barbaachisee loltee Minilik injifachuudhaan yokin sossobbachuudhaan hojii irra oolchuu yaaddi ture. Dura sossobbachuudhaaf jecha Walta’iinsa tokko Wucaalee bakka jedhamutti wajjin mallatteessite. Walta’iinsi kun afaan Amaaraa fi Xaliyaaniitiin barreeffame. Akka inni afaan Xaliyaaniitiin barreffame ibsutti, Xaliyaaniin waan hariiroo diplomasy ilaaluu irratti bakka Itophiyaa buutee dubbachuu akka dandeessu ibsa. Jechuun empayerri Minilik Protectorate Xaliyaanii akka taate ibsa. Kan afaan Amaaraatiin barreeffame irra kun akkasitti hin kaa’amne ture. Kunis Xaliyanii fi Minilik gidduutti waldhabbii uume. Waldhabbiin ho’aa adeemee lolli akka hin hafne beekamaa ta’e.
Yeroo kanatti kan Minilik firoomfatee akeeka Xaliyanii kana fashalsiisuu irratti hojjachuu jalqabe Faransaa ture. Faransaan ofiif qofa osoo hin taane, Russiallee dabalattee Minilikiin hidhachiisuu irratti bobbaate. Meeshaan Minilik haala kanaan argachaa tures Lola Adwaa irratti akka inni Xaliyan injifatu taasise. Kun ta’uun koloneeffatotaa Awropa guddaa rifachiise. Injifannoon kun ummatoota Afrikaa hafanis hamilchiisuutu mala jedhanii yaadda’an. Keessattuu Brixaniyaa guddaa rifachiise. Lolli Adwaa akka dhumateen Brixaniyaan humna Darbushotaatti duultee Sudan deebiftee dhuunfachuudhaaf murteessite. Dabalees, Minilikitti nama erguudhaan akka empayera isaa beektu hubachiisudhaan damboobsite. Dorgommiin humnoota Awropaa gidduutti yeroo kanatti deemaa ture empayera Itophiyaa waaraa taasisuudhaaf sababa jabaa ta’e. Kanatu empayericha jiraachise malee humnoota Afrikaa hafan caalaa Habashootni jagnaa fi walqabataa ta’anii miti. Har’as empayericha jirachiisuudhaaf qoodni humnoota Dhihaa murteessaa dha.
Yeroo kanatti Xaliyaniin kolonii lama qabdi: Isaanis Eritrea fi Italian Somaliland. Brixaniyaan Sudan fi British Somaliland koloneeffatte. Faransaan kolonii bicuu French Somaliland jedhamtutti ittifamtee hafte. Gannoota 1950a keessa kolonii kun garii walabummaa gonfachuu jalqabu. Dura kan walaba bahee Sudanii dha. Hafurri bilisummaa kun empayera Itophiyaa guddaa yaaddesse. Sabootni koloniiwwan kanneen keessatti argaman empayericha keessattis ni argamu. Kanaaf, hafuurri bilisummaa salphatti empayericha keessattis bubbisuu akka malu ifaa ture. Kana hanqisuudhaaf, mootummaan Hayila Sillaasee kolonii kannen garii dhuunfachuudhaaf tattaaffii jalqaba. Eritrea gargaarsa USAtiin dhuunfachuu irratti milkaawa. Garuu biyya Somalotaa dhuunfachuu irratti hin milkaawin hafe.
Bal’achuu fi Dhiphachuu Biyyootaa
Kun hanqachuun yaaddoon mootummichaa akka dhugoomu taasise. Somalonni Brixaniyaa fi Xaliyaniidhaan koloneeffatamanii turan akkuma walabummaa isaanii gonfataniin tokkoomanii naannoo Gaanfa Afrikaa Somaloonni irra qubatan hundaa dhuunfachuudhaaf akeeka akka qaban labsan. Kanaaf, Somalian yoo Djibouti, Baha Empayera Itophiyaa fi Kaabaa Kenya hin dhuunfatin h’ir’uu taatee akka haftu walhubachiisan.
Sabni Somalee hundi biyya tokko jalatti dhuunfatamuu akka qabu amanan. Kana guuttachuudhaafis, lafa-babal’ifachuu akeeka taasifatan. Oggaa Somalonni babal’ifannaa lafaa kana kajeelaa turanitti Sabni Somaliyaa keessatti argamu tokko ammoo bulchiinsa Somalotaa jalatti kufuu irraa yaaddoo qaba ture. Sunis ummata Rahanweyn ture. Jarri kunis yoo xiqqaatee Somaliyan akka federeshanitti akka caaseffamtu Gaanfachaa turan. Biyya babal’achuu kajeeluun fi ofiifuu kan biyyicya irra adda bahuu kajeelu jiraachuun yeroo sanaa jalqabee hanga guyyaa har’atti itti fufee jira.
Fakkenya lammaffaa kaasuudhaan qaxbii kana gadi jabeessina. Xaliyaniin oggaa Itophiyaa ganna shaniif bulchite Tigray Eritreatti dabaltee bulchaa turte. Oggaa sirni bulchiinsa Xaliyan buqqifameetti humnoonni Eritrea garii Tigray qaama Eritrea taatee akka turtu dhiibbaa gochaa turan. Yeroodhuma sanatti sabni Beni Amer ammoo Eritrea irraa adda bahuudhaaf tattaafachaa ture. Fakkeenya akkasii kanneen biraas kaasuu dandeenya. Biyyoota Gaanfa Afrika danuu keessatti “biyya kiyya” waan jedhamu irratti falammiin akka jiru hubanna. Waldhabbiin kana irraa madde dhiibbaa gara garaa maddisiise.

Mirga Hiree Murteeffannaa

Dhiibbaa kanneen keessaa inni angafti gaaffiin hiree murteeffannaa ka’uu isaa ti. Waan Godinaa Gaanfa Afrikaa godinoota Afrikaa hafan irraa adda taasisu keessaa qaxbiin angafti ka’uu gaaffii kanaa ti. Biyyoota Gaanfa Afrikaa keessaa kan gaaffii kana hin keessummeessine hin jiru. Mirga hiree murteeffannaa gonfachuudhaaf biyyoota Gaanfa Afrika hunda keessatti qabsoon hidhannoo geggeeffamaa ture. Har’a geggeeffamaa jira. Qabsoon kun garii milkiidhaan xumuramanii jiru. Kan Eritrean geggeessaa turte, walabummaa Eritrea dhugoomsuudhaan bara 1993 keessa xumurame. Kan warri Sudan Kibbaa geggeessaa turanis walabummaa Sudan Kibbaa dhugoomsuudhaan bara 2011tti xumurame. Walabummaan biyyoota kanneen lamaanii addunyaadhaan fudhatamee jira. Kan fudhatama akkasii hin argatin hafe biyyi walabummaa labsate sadaffaanis ni jira. Kunis Somaliland dha.

Haala Somaliland booda itti deebinee ilaalla. Ammaaf kan Eritrea fi Sudan Kibbaa wajjin ha turru. Biyyootni kun lamaan walabummaa gonfachuun keessa isaaniitti fi isaanii fi olloota isaani gidduutti nagaan ni bu’a jedhamee hawwamaa ture. Haala har’a jiru yoo ilaalle garuu keessa isaanii nagaan hin jiru. Isaanii fi olloota isaanii garii gidduus nagaan hin jiru. Eritrea keessaa humnootni maqaa Kunamaa fi Affaariin sosso’aa jiran ni jiru. Sudan Kibbaa keessas sabootni hacuuccaa Dinkaa mormuu himatanii sosso’aa jiran ni jiru. Eritrea fi olloota isee hundaa gidduuttis waldhabbiin yeroo adda addaatti ka’aa ture. Sudan Kibbaa fi Sudan gidduus waldhabbiin itti fufee jira. Kanaaf, walabummaa gonfachuun ummatoota mirga hiree murteeffannaatiif qabsaawaa turan waan fayyade hin qabu. Nagaan hin buufneef. Mirga ambummaa hin dhandhamsiifne. Sadarkaa itti gaaffiin mirga hiree murteeffannaa ka’utu jijjiirame malee, gaaffichi deebii hin arganne.

Moyxannoon Somaliland faallaa kanaa ti. Gosootni Somaliland keessatti argaman Isaaq, Gadabursii, Dhulbahantee fi kanneen xixiqqoo hafan biraa ti. Isaan kana keessaa guddichi Isaaqi. Akka mootummaan Siad Barree garagaleen gosoota kanneen hundaa gidduutti lolli belbele. Dabalees, Isaaqotni ofiifuu adda babahanii wal lolan. Lola kana dhaamsuudhaaf, idda bu’ootni gosoota hundaa kora ji’oota baayy’ee fudhate dhugoomsan. Kora kana irratti Heera ittiin nagaadhaan waliin bulan tumatan. Heerri kun haala kanaan tumamuun nagaan akka bu’u taasise. Hanga har’aattis Somaliland keessa nagaan ni jira. Aangoon politikaas yeroo lamaa sadi filmaata dimokraatawaa ta’een humna aangoo irra ture irraa kan biraatti dabruu danda’ee jira. Godinaa Gaanfa Afrikaa keessaa biyyi dimokraatawaan Somaliland qofa jechuu dandeenya. Ummatichi sirna ittiin bulu tumachuu irratti kallachaan qooda qabaate. Sirnichi kan isaa ti. Ummatichis kan sirnichaa ti. Mirga ambummaa guutuu qaba. Somaliland fi Somalia hafe gidduu garuu walshakkiitu jira. Kunis mootummaan Somaloota hafanii Gaanfa deebi’ee tolfamee Somaliland dhuunfachuudhaaf kajeeluun waan maluuf.

Haalli ittiin Somaliland walabummaa isee gonfattee kan warra kaan lamaanii irraa adda. Qooda fudhatiinsa ummataatiin labsame malee hogganni ajaja ummataa jala hin jirre hin mirkaneessine. Somaliland akka biyyaatti walabummaa qaba. Ummatni isaas bilisummaa qaba. Moyxannoo warra hafee keessatti garuu biyyatu walabummaa qaba malee ummatni bilisummaa hin qabu. Walabummaa dhaadheessuu qofaan akka ummatichi bilisummaa hin Gaanfatne godhamaa jira. Kana irraahis waa baruu qabna. Walabummaan bilisummaa malee dhalachuu danda’a.

Falammiin Walxaxaa

Yaada dhumaa kaafnee xiinxala keenya ammaa xumurra. Sunis falammiin biyyoota Gaanfa Afrikaa keessatti deemaa turee fi jiru falammii isaan keessatti deemaa turee fi jiru wajjin walitti hidhamuu isaanii ti. Biyyoota Gaanfa Afrikaa addunyaadhaan beekaman keessaa kan falammiin sabootaa keessatti deemaa hin jirre hin jiru. Qorattotni haala kanaa nagummaan Gaanfa Afrikaa walxaxaa (complex) ta’uu ibsu. Sababa kanaaf, nagummaan biyya tokko kophaatti iggitii argachuu hin danda’u. Haala kana irraa mootummootni Gaanfa Afrikaa amala tokko horatanii jiru. Sunis, dhibdee biyya isaanii keessaa dhuunfachuudhaaf filmaata lama keessaa tokko filachuudha. Tokkoffaa, dhibdee keessa isaaniitiif biyya ollaa Gaanfatamaa taasisuudhaan ollaa balaaleffachuu dha. Kana irraa ka’uudhaanis mormitoota ollaa keessummeessuu dha. Imaammatni akkasii kudhanoota hedduudhaaf Gaanfa Afrikaa keessatti mul’achaa ture. Kun mootummootaa fi mormitoota ollaa gidduutti tumsa uumuudhaaf gargaaree jira.

Lammaffaa, tumsa mormitootaa kana irra mootummootni waliif tumsanii mormitoota dararuu dha. Imaammata isa lammaffaa kana ammatti akka gaariitti hojii irra oolchaa kan jiru mootummaa Wayyaanee ti. Kan Eritrea irraa kan hafee mootummoota hafan hunda wajjin hariiroo gaarii tolfattee jirti. Hariiroo diplomasy fi nagummaa qofa osoo hin taane kan ekonomys tolfachaa jirti. Kunis, mormitoota biyyoota ollaa keessatti qubsuma dhorkachuudhaa

The Ethiopian Empire State and the Oromo National Struggle for Liberation.

The Ethiopian Empire State and the Oromo National Struggle for Liberation..